The Herald (Glasgow ed.), 1881-12-24, p.5

THE GLASGOW HERALD, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 24, 1881. ## Column 1 # OUR LONDON CORRESPONDENCE. 65 FLEET STREET, Friday Night. I UNDERSTAND that, at the request of President Arthur, Mr James Russell Lowell, the American Minister to the Court of St James's, will continue to represent the United States in this country. There was naturally some doubt about this, as every new President generally has his own favourites for diplomatic appointments, and the coveted Embassy to the Court of Queen Victoria has often changed hands for no better reason. But Mr Lowell is so popular on both sides of the Atlantic that I do not wonder at President Arthur's desire to retain his services. Ouida's next appearance will be as a dramatist. She has just completed two short one-act comedies entitled "Afternoon" and "Resurrexit," which will be published early in the ensuing year. # CARILLON OF BELLS FOR THE CROSS STEEPLE. The new chime of bells which the Town Council agreed some time ago to erect in the Cross Steeple, to replace the old and worn-out set which hung so long in the tower, will be formally inaugurated on Monday. In connection with this event, it may not be uninteresting to notice the position Glasgow has long occupied with reference to bell-founding. Nearly a century ago there were several foundries in our midst which paid special attention to this branch of industry, but latterly the work has been almost entirely left in the hands of Messrs John C. Wilson & Co., of Gorbals, who were the contractors for the present carillon. With such facilities at our doors, it may be wondered why Scotland, and Glasgow in particular, has been so deficient in the matter of chimes in our public steeples. In England and on the Continent they are abundant, and many of our citizens on returning from holidays have been loud in their praises of the fine effects produced by such chimes. That there are reasons for this we may rest assured. There has been no want of appreciation of music on the part of our people, but possibly the poverty of some of our Corporations may have had something to do with this state of matters. However this may be, there have been few chimes of bells in Scotland. This is now being to some extent remedied in the large cities; and though from the peculiar character of our climate, which interferes with the sound, we cannot expect to have in the music of the upper air those clear, sweet tones which are so much admired on the Continent, still we can have more or less of purity. Indeed, it is rather a curious fact that much as has been said about our inferiority to the Continent in this respect, it is nevertheless true that many of the chimes so much admired abroad have been produced in the foundries of Great Britain. As we have already said, Glasgow has been particularly connected with the manufacture of bells of a high character, and it is therefore all the more noticeable that, with one or two exceptions, our churches and our public edifices have been without such chimes. No doubt the old Cross bells, which were erected some 140 years ago, supplied that want to a limited extent, but time dealt hardly with them, and for many years their "most sweet voices" have scarcely ever been heard by the citizens. A year or two ago a report was presented to the Town Council with reference to the condition of the bells, and this raised the question as to the desirability of obtaining a new and a better chime. Latterly the original estimate of ten bells was extended to sixteen, after a report that the weight and the strain would not be too great for the venerable pile. It is these new bells which are to be rung for the first time on the day on which Christmas is this year to be celebrated. The sixteen bells range from 21 inches to 40 inches in diameter, and the notes, which give a considerable range for both secular and sacred music, are as follow:—G, A, B flat, B, C, D, E, E flat, F, F sharp, G, A, B flat, B, C, and D. By the arrangement of notes thus selected, the player will be enabled to play in the several keys of G, G minor, B flat, C, and E. The bells have been cast in a plain style, the only decorations being a circle or bead here and there, and representations of the current coins of the realm. The large tenor bell G bears the following inscription:—"This carillon of sixteen bells was erected A.D. 1881—the Hon. John Ure, Lord Provost; John Carrick, Master of Works;" the city arms, and the name of the founders. The next largest bell bears the names of John Mowat, convener, and George Jackson, sub-convener. The weight of the chime is about four and a half tons, and with one or two exceptions the bells were cast true to the notes. They are erected on a substantial iron framing; and as our atmosphere acts powerfully on malleable iron, a large portion of the fittings are of brass, a metal which is not so easily affected. The apparatus for playing the bells consists of two rows of keys, and these, when pressed by the hand, act on a set of levers and springs so arranged as to lift the hammers and deliver a light or heavy blow on the bells as may be required for the modulation of the music. Though the mechanism is complicated, yet all the arrangements work so smoothly and sweetly that the chime can be played as easily as a piano. The carillon is said to be the most complete and the easiest of manipulation in the country. The clock is also being adjusted to strike the "Cambridge Quarters" on four of the bells, namely—D, C, B flat, and F, and the hours on B flat. # THEATRE-ROYAL PANTOMIME. Practice makes proficiency; and so after repeated performances the pantomime at the Theatre-Royal runs smoothly. In writing of the production of Mr Bernard's version of "Dick Whittington" it was impossible to pronounce it a complete success; premature production was plainly evident, and there were faults of omission and commission; but at the same time it was pointed out that Mr M'Ardle's work undoubtedly contained the elements of an excellent pantomime. Since Saturday a very marked change has taken place; in all departments there is a conspicuous improvement. There is some gratification in really being able to say so, because it was patent that the management had been unstinted in their efforts to make the extravaganza alike complete and attractive. Very judiciously, the libretto has been considerably curtailed, but there is still room for further revision; and while they are about it, some of the music might with advantage be struck out. There are far too many snatches of airs, so that what should be effective songs go for comparatively little, and besides, the action of the piece is unduly interfered with. Some such alterations as these, and, say, the introduction of a little more of the "local" element, might be in the way of improvement. Reference has already been made to the very fine scenery, and now that everybody behind is familiar with his duties, it is "set" with and seen to greater effect. The idea of the transformation scene is artistically conceived, and excellently worked out; and when the elaborate arrangement is fully developed it becomes a very brilliant picture. The processions are now all introduced, and the several ballets are danced with the desired precision and grace. In connection with this department Miss Ne[l?]ly Gunniss's training services should be recognised. Those who are entrusted with the principal characters have got pretty well settled down to their parts, Miss Maud Beverley as *Dick*, Miss Josephine Muntz as *Alice*, Mr Fred [S]oloman as the *Captain*, Mr Harry Collier as *Simon*, and Mr Thomas Park as *Luckie*—a part which might be judiciously "worked up"—all sing, dance, and act with great spirit. The harlequinade had the double virtue of being brief and funny, and is carried through with gusto by Mr Harry Collier as *Clown*, Mr Walter Groves as *Pantaloon*, Mr H. Parratt as *Harlequin*, Miss Mina Charlton as *Harlequina*, and Misses Gunniss and Shaw as *Columbines*. During the holidays "Dick Whittington" will doubtless be the source of entertainment and amusement to large numbers. GOVANHILL U.P. CHURCH MUSICAL ASSOCIATION.—Last night the members of this association gave their annual concert in the Church, under the conductorship of Mr William Stobbs. The Rev. D. M'Connor presided. The programme consisted of sacred and secular music, which was fairly well rendered, but the choir was scarcely so well in hand as in previous years. The alto was perhaps a little too audible, and at times inclined to be harsh in tone, which may be accounted for by the presence of some of the younger and less trained members of the choir. With that exception, however, the music was pleasingly rendered. The solos and duets showed that Mr Stobbs has some capital voices under his command, of which he will no doubt take advantage during next season. In the course of the evening a young lady recited with good effect a piece entitled "The Starless Crown," for which she deservedly received a recall. Mr James T. Stobbs accompanied on the harmonium, and frequent applause was accorded by the large audience assembled. AIRDRIE.—BANKRUPTCY EXAMINATION.—Yesterday—before Sheriff Mair—James Gilbert, fruiterer and dairyman, Sunnyside, appeared for examination in bankruptcy. Present—Mr W. Paterson, agent in the sequestration. The bankrupt, having been sworn, deponed that he commenced business seven or eight years ago in Coatbridge as a dairyman with a few pounds of capital. His state of affairs was correct. It showed liabilities to the amount of £1[3?]9 12s 10[½?]d, and assets, after deducting preferable claims to the extent of £40s 10s, to the amount of £18. He accounted for the deficiency through bad debts and losses in business. The statutory oath was administered. ## Column 2 # THE FOG AND LOSS OF LIFE. In Glasgow yesterday there was a continuance of the frost, and the ice on the ponds in and about the city should now be about good enough for skating and curling. The fog was nothing like so dense as on the previous day, but the atmosphere seems to have been very thick elsewhere, especially in the midlands of England, and from this cause and the heaviness of the traffic, many of the trains from the South were much behind time in arriving at Glasgow. In the neighbourhood of Greenock the fog was not so dense, and the river traffic was conducted with some approach to regularity. In the forenoon the Dublin, Liverpool, and West Highland steamers which should have left Greenock on Thursday night came down the river, and afterwards proceeded when their cargoes were taken in. The Dublin steamer, which arrived in the morning, reported clear weather till inside Holy Island. The State of Georgia(s) was reported in Greenock last night to have grounded near Garvel Point while coming down the river. She was expected to float off with the rising tide during the night. Last night the fog was rather thick, but gave promise of clearing off, as there was a slight breeze of east wind rising. In Edinburgh the worst fog which has been experienced for some years fell over the city yesterday afternoon. Pedestrianism, even on the pavement, was occasionally dangerous, while vehicular traffic could only be conducted with the utmost caution, and at an exceedingly slow pace, while bells were used on some of the omnibuses. Princes Street, where the electric light is in use, was fully as bad as any part of the city; and the cars could only proceed at a snail's pace, the drivers blowing their whistles incessantly. The cabmen, too, had to descend from the dickey and lead their horses. Most of the trains were considerably delayed by the fog. The frost continues to hold. Skating and curling were engaged in yesterday at the various safety ponds in the neighbourhood of Edinburgh, and if the low temperature last the public ponds will soon be frozen over. Yesterday, a mason named Robert Veitch fell on a slide in Grassmarket, and sustained a fracture of his right leg. He was taken to the Royal Infirmary. Several persons were also received into the same institution suffering from slight injuries sustained by falling on the frozen streets. At Leith, a seaman on board the s.s. Berlin fell from the top stage of the Victoria jetty, having missed his footing owing to the dense fog. He was not much injured, and was taken home. A companion also fell, but escaped unhurt. At Leith, Granton, and the other places on the shores of the Firth of Forth, and on the Firth itself, the fog was very dense. Navigation was rendered extremely difficult, and in the afternoon the ferry-boats from Burntisland could not come into the harbour, and the passengers were disembarked in the small boats. The London and Edinburgh steamer Malvina was unable to enter Leith port, and her passengers had also to be put on shore by means of the small boats. Several vessels are reported as lying off Inchkeith unable to proceed. Our Manchester correspondent telegraphs that the fog which enveloped that city and the surrounding district yesterday was denser than has been witnessed for years. Early in the morning it was impossible for a passenger to observe objects more than a very few feet in front of him, and all the forenoon gas lights had to be used in the warehouses and streets. Some very unfortunate accidents are reported. While two girls named Stephens, aged about 17 and 19, factory operatives, of Heywood View, Failsworth, employed at Mr Jas. Etchell's and Mr T. R. Trevor's mills, were going to their work about six o'clock it is supposed they missed their way in attempting to cross a tanyard bridge and fell into the canal. Nothing was heard of an unusual character at the time by any of the passengers in the neighbourhood, and the loss of the girls was not noticed until some time later. As they had not appeared at work at the ordinary hour, inquiries were made. Fearing they might have fallen into the water, a diligent search was instituted, and between eight and nine o'clock the dead bodies of the girls were found in the canal. The bodies of an aged woman and of a man, whose names have not been ascertained, were pulled out of the same canal. London was also visited yesterday with a fog of great density, which commenced shortly before noon and increased in heaviness hour by hour till between four and five in the afternoon, when traffic in the leading thoroughfares was carried on under serious difficulties. The fog overspread the City and Westminster, as well as the southern portion of the Metropolis, but was less dense in the northern districts. The passenger train from London due at Evesham at 5.35 P.M. ran into a goods train which was being shunted. No person was hurt, but the line was blocked for an hour. The accident was caused by the fog and the slipperiness of the rails. Late last night a shocking accident occurred at Bristol owing to the continued density of the fog. Henry Bunt, a youth about 21 years of age, was escorting home Miss Ada Venn, a lady about his own age, and to whom he was engaged, when both of them walked into the water of the floating harbour from one of the avenues leading from the central part of the city. Every effort was made to rescue them, and thanks to the precautions taken by the Chief Constable, who had placed extra police along the line of the harbour, the lady was got out alive, but the young gentleman, who was employed at a mercantile house in the city, was drowned. His body was recovered shortly afterwards. The lady was only recovered with difficulty, the fog being so thick that scarcely anything could be seen at a distance of two yards even with the aid of lanterns. Miss Venn was taken to the Infirmary, where she lies in an unconscious state. # WEATHER REPORT AND FORECAST. METEOROLOGICAL OFFICE, Friday, December 23, 8.30 P.M. The changes in pressure and weather are proceeding very quickly; the large anti-cyclone which was shown approaching us from the north-westward last evening had advanced over these islands by this morning, and at eight A.M. embraced Ireland, England, the Channel, and the north of France. It brought very light, variable breezes to our coasts, with fair and dry weather generally, but dense fog to several inland stations, while it occasioned a brisk decrease of temperature—the minima in the early morning having been from four to eight degrees below freezing point at the more northward and central stations. In the extreme west, however, the thermometer had risen, and there were signs of a change. The chart at two P.M. showed that these signs of change had developed considerably. The barometer was falling rather briskly at Valentia, the wind there had changed to southerly, and was increasing in force, with a rough sea and very gloomy weather. This evening we find the fall of the barometer continuing over Ireland, and extending its influence as far as Holyhead, but in all other places the mercury still rises, and the anti-cyclone, now 30·5in., lies over central and southern England. Strong south-south-easterly and southerly winds prevail in the west of Ireland, but elsewhere the wind continues light, blowing from south and west in the west and north, from north-west in the east, and from north over the Channel. The weather is overcast and threatening in the extreme west, but in all other districts there is a complete absence of cloud, though dense fog or haze prevails at several stations. Temperature is considerably higher in the west and slightly higher in the north than it was at the same hour yesterday, but is much lower in the south-east, and readings range at present from 49 degs. at Valencia to 28 degs. in London. The highest reading in London this afternoon was only 31 degs., at Aberdeen 33 degs., and at York 37 degs., while at Valentia the thermometer reached 50 degs. The sea is rough off the west coast of Ireland and at Stornoway, slight or smooth elsewhere. WEATHER FORECASTS FOR SATURDAY, DECEMBER 24, ISSUED AT 3 P.M. ON PREVIOUS DAY. | Scotland, W. | Southerly winds, strong, and increasing; dull; some rain; squally. | |---|---| | Scotland, N. | Southerly winds, strong, and increasing; dull; some rain; squally. | | Scotland, E. | South-westerly and southerly winds, moderate, strong; fair, and milder at first, then dull, and perhaps slight rain. | | England, N.E. | South-westerly and southerly winds, moderate, strong; fair, and milder at first, then dull, and perhaps slight rain. | | England, E. | Light variable breezes or calms, with cold weather generally, and dense fog inland; subsequently southerly airs, rather milder, and fog clearing. | | Midland Counties | Light variable breezes or calms, with cold weather generally, and dense fog inland; subsequently southerly airs, rather milder, and fog clearing. | | England, S. (London & Channel) | Light variable breezes or calms, with cold weather generally, and dense fog inland; subsequently southerly airs, rather milder, and fog clearing. | | England, N.W., & N. Wales | South-easterly and south-westerly winds, strong to a gale; fair to dull, and rain. | | England, S.W., & S. Wales | Southerly winds, fresh, and increasing; fair generally. | | Ireland, N. | Southerly to south-westerly strong winds and gales; unsettled; dull; squally; some rain. | | Ireland, S. | Southerly to south-westerly strong winds and gales; unsettled; dull; squally; some rain. | *Warnings.*—The south cone was hoisted this afternoon in Scotland W., England N.W. and North Wales, Ireland N., Ireland S., and part of England S.W. and South Wales. BOARD OF TRADE INQUIRY.—The Board of Trade inquiry respecting the wreck of the screw-steamer Crown, of Newcastle, and the loss of seven lives, was concluded yesterday at North Shields. The Court expressed the opinion that the loss of the steamer was occasioned by a somewhat too-southerly course being set on taking departure from Tynemouth light, and neglect to take frequent casts of the lead, and that the vessel was not navigated with proper and seamanlike care. The Court found Captain Late in default, and suspended his certificate for three month[s]. ## Column 3 # GENERAL FOREIGN NEWS. [spans columns 3-4] (REUTER'S TELEGRAMS.) ### THE REVOLT IN MOROCCO. Madrid, December 23. The *Imparcial* of to-day publishes a letter from Tangiers, dated the 19th inst., stating that the troops despatched by the Emperor of Morocco to capture the insurgent chief Bon Amem[o?], united with the latter in proclaiming a holy war against the French, and subsequently engaged and defeated some tribes who refused to join them. The letter adds that the revolt is spreading, and that the Emperor has neither the requisite means nor prestige to suppress it. ### PROROGATION OF NEW SOUTH WALES PARLIAMENT. Sydney, December 22. The New South Wales Parliament has been prorogued by the Governor, Lord Augustus Loftus, who in his speech on the occasion said that many measures had been passed during the present session which were calculated to be of great benefit to the country. The law restricting the influx of Chinese into the colony had attained its object without injustice to the Chinese residents in the colony or prejudice to commercial interests. The authority given for carrying out the administration of justice in our own political Courts would doubtless lead to a decided improvement in the conduct of business and give satisfaction to the public. The Act to remodel the Liquor Trade Laws would be welcomed by the public as an urgently-needed reform. The Governor expressed a hope that great benefit would result to the community from the principles laid down in this measure, which conferred upon the State great powers of control and restriction in ensuring the correct operation of the law. The Acts for the amendment of navigation and the Land Laws, and many other improvements of general concern to the public, had resulted from the labours of the session. The railway extension was making rapid progress as compared with former years. In the course of a few years no important district or territory would be outside the system of railway communication. Since the Colonial Treasurer made his financial statement on the 15th ult. in the Legislative Assembly, the revenue from all sources, including customs, showed a gratifying increase over the estimates made in the financial statement. In conclusion, Lord Loftus said the continued prosperity of the country is a source of happiness to myself and is a matter of congratulation to the public, all claims of which participate in the progress of the country. The Hon. Sir H. Perkins [sic], the Premier, will be entertained to-night at a Parliamentary banquet, which it is expected will be attended by all the members of Parliament. He will be similarly entertained next week by the citizens of Sydney, previous to his departure on December 2[9?] for a tour in America and England to recruit his health. The Premier's friends, at first proposed to present him with a pecuniary testimonial as a mark of their appreciation of his political services to the Colony; but on becoming aware of the subscription, which was expected to produce a sum of £5000, Sir H. Parkes, while deeply grateful to his friends, emphatically declined to accept it. A proposition was consequently brought forward in assembly that a sum of money should be placed at the disposal of the Premier, in order to enable him suitably to represent the Colony in his official quality during his visit to America and England, but at Sir H. Parkes's urgent request the motion was abandoned, the Premier declaring that his visit was of a personal and private character, and should not cost a penny to the country. ### THE EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA AND THE THEATRES. Vienna, December 23. To-day the Emperor visited the theatre Au Der Wier [sic], and went over all parts of the house. His Majesty inspected the measures of precautions which had already been taken, and received a verbal report from the director of the theatre concerning all further arrangements for the safety of the public which were being made, and which would be ready within the next three days. The Emperor expressed his approval of the measures adopted. ### THE TURKISH DEBT. Constantinople, December 23. Although the bondholders' delegates are actively employing their intervention to bring about an understanding between the Porte and the Galata bankers, they do not accept any solidarity with the latter, considering the question at issue is simply the settlement of a matter of accounts between them and the Porte. Moreover, the bankers formerly declined Mr Bourke's assistance, declaring that the account must be settled between themselves and the Porte. Mr Bourke nevertheless hoped that all difficulties will be arranged to-morrow, so as to enable him to leave Constantinople on the 27th inst. Lady Dufferin gave a grand *fête* yesterday in honour of the principal Ottoman officials and the members of the Diplomatic Body. Her Ladyship gives another on Monday next. ### SIR EVELYN WOOD'S DEPARTURE FROM NATAL. (FROM THE SECOND EDITION OF THE TIMES.) Durban, December 22. Sir E. Wood's departure has evoked a hearty and general expression of regret. Addresses were presented in public by the Mayors of Maritzburgh and Durban in the presence of applauding crowds. In reply to the Durban address, Sir E. Wood said the outburst of sympathy was peculiarly welcome, as he had been called upon to play as difficult a part as had ever devolved on any military commander in this century. He stated that Lord Kimberley had offered the Governorship of the Colony to him, but out of consideration for the best interests of the Colony he had declined the honour. # AMERICAN COMMERCIAL NEWS. SPECIALLY REPORTED FOR GLASGOW HERALD. (PER ATLANTIC CABLE.) ### SCOTCH PIG-IRON QUOTATIONS. NEW YORK, Friday. | | Mon. | Tu. | Wed. | Th. | Fri. | Sat. | |---|---|---|---|---|---|---| | Gartsherrie (yd) | 24½ | 25 | 25 | 25 | 25 | 24½ | | Coltness (quay) | 26 | 26 | 26 | 26[⅛?] | 26[¼?] | 26 | | Langloan | 25½ | 25[½?] | 25[½?] | 25[½?] | 25[½?] | 25[½?] | | Glengarnock | 23 | 23 | 23 | 23 | 23 | 23 | | Carnbroe | 25 | 25 | 25 | 25 | 25 | 25 | | Summerlee | 25[½?] | 25[½?] | 25½ | 25[½?] | 25½ | 25½ | | Eglinton (quay) | 23 | 23 | 23 | 23 | 23 | 23 | (REUTER'S TELEGRAM.) NEW YORK, Friday. Money in increasing demand. The Stock Market opened weak, but closed firm. Cotton dull. Petroleum dull and declining. Lard dull. Wheat in better demand, and prices advancing. Flour advancing; shipments to Europe increasing. Corn firmer. Coffee, iron, and sugar quiet. | | Wednesday | Thursday | To-day | |---|---|---|---| | Call Money Interest U.S. Bds. | 5[?]% | 4[?]% | 4[?]% | | Call Money other Securities | 6[?]% | 4[?]% | 6[?]% | | Ex. on London 60 days sight | 4.79[¼?] | 4.79[¼?] | 4.79[¼?] | | Cable Transfers | 4.84[¼?] | 4.84[¼?] | 4.84[¼?] | | Exchange on Paris | 5.24[⅜?] | 5.24[⅜?] | 5.24[⅜?] | | Do. Berlin | 94[¼?] | 94[¼?] | 94[¼?] | | 3½% U.S. Funded Loan | 102[¼?] | 102[¼?] | 102[⅜?] | | 4½ Do do. | — | 114[⅜?] | 114[⅜?] | | 4 Do. do. | 115[¼?] | 115[⅜?] | 115[¼?] | | Western Union Tel. Shares | 82[⅜?] | 7[?]⅜ | 79[⅜?] | | Erie Railroad Shares | 42[¼?] | 40[⅞?] | 41[½?] | | Do. 2d Mortgage Bonds | 93[¾?] | 93[¾?] | 94[½?] | | Ohio & Mississippi Ordinary | 36 | 35 | 35[¼?] | | Wab. S. Louis & Pacific Pref. | 73[⅝?] | 70[⅝?] | 71[⅜?] | | Do. Common | 38 | 35[½?] | 3[?][⅜?] | | N.Y. Ontario, & West. Ord. | 27[¾?] | 27[¾?] | 27[⅜?] | | Philadelphia & Reading Sh. | 67[¼?] | 65[¼?] | 65[¼?] | | Union Pacific Shares | 117 | 116 | 115[¼?] | | Central Pacific Rail. Shares | 91 | 89[¼?] | 90[⅜?] | | Do do. Bonds | 115 | 115[½?] | 115[⅜?] | | N.Y. Central Rail. Shares | 154[⅛?] | 152[⅞?] | 153[¼?] | | St Louis & S. Francisco Ord. | 40 | 40[⅜?] | 39[⅜?] | | Do. Preferred | 57½ | 57 | 55 | | Illinois Railway Shares | 130[½?] | 129 | 129[¼?] | | Lake Shore | 115[⅞?] | 116[⅜?] | 115[¼?] | | Louisville & Nashville Ord. | 102[¼?] | 100[⅜?] | 101 | | Chicago Mil. & S. Paulo Sh. | 104[¼?] | 102[¼?] | 103[⅜?] | | Pennsylvania Shares at Phil. | 62 | 61[¼?] | 6[?][⅜?] | | Chicago & North-Western | 136[½?] | 138 | 135[½?] | | Canada Southern | 57 | 53 | 51[¼?] | | Cotton Futures, March | 12.65 | 12.55 | 12.[?]3 | | Do. Middling Upland | 12 | 12 | 12 | | Do. do. at New Orleans | 11[⅜?] | 11[⅜?] | 11[⅜?] | | Petroleum Crude at N.Y. | 6[½?] | 6[½?] | 6[½?] | | Do. United Pipe Line Cts. | 83 | 83 | 83 | | Do. Stand. White at N.Y. | 7[⅛?] | 7[⅛?] | 7 | | Do. do. at Philadelphia | 7 | 7 | 7 | | Lard Wilcox | 11[¹⁵⁄₁₆?] | 11[½?] | 11[½?] | | Do. Futures January | 11[¹⁵⁄₁₆?] | 11[½?] | 11[½?] | | Prime City Tallow | 7[¾?] | 7[¾?] | 7[¾?] | | Flour, ex. State Ship. Brands | 5.15 5.[?]5 | 5.15 5.55 | 5.40 5.60 | | Corn new | 69 | 69 | 70 | | Wheat, red winter | 1.39[¼?] | 1.39[½?] | 1.41 | | Do. Deliv. Current Month | 1.38 | 1.39 | 1.39[¼?] | | Do. do. Next | 1.39 | 1.39[¾?] | 1.40[½?] | | Do. Month after Next | 1.42 | 1.42[¼?] | 1.43[½?] | | Do. Spring No. 2 spot | 1.34 | 1.34 | 1.34 | | Coffee Fair Rio lowest price | 10[¾?] | 10[½?] | 10[½?] | | Do. do. highest | 10[½?] | 10[½?] | 10[½?] | | Do. Good Rio lowest | 11 | 11 | 11 | | Do. do. highest | 11 | 11 | 11 | | Do. Fair Santos lowest | 10[½?] | 10[½?] | 10[½?] | | Do. do. highest | 10[¾?] | 10[¾?] | 10[¾?] | | Sugar do. refining Mus. | 7[⅞?] | 7[⅞?] | 7[⅞?] | | Saltings | 9[¼?] | 9[¼?] | 9[¼?] | | Freight for grain sail to Queenstown, per qr. | 4/3 | 4/3 | 4/3 | | Do. London | — | — | — | | Do. Cotton to Liverpool | [?]/16 | [?]/16 | [?]/16 | | Cotton receipts at U.S. | 26,000 | 35,000 | 39,000 | | Exports to Great Britain | 5,000 | 4,000 | 6,000 | | Do to Continent | 3,000 | — | 5,000 | SERIOUS CHARGE AGAINST AN EX-MAYOR.—Mr T. Cogar, ex-Mayor of St Ives, Cornwall, and Justice of the Peace, was charged before the local magistrates yesterday with obtaining certain sums of money from the Corporation by false pretences. It was alleged that accused, who whilst discharging municipal duties also held the offices of rate-collector and assistant over[s?]eer, obtained from the Corporation several sums as rates on market tolls which for several years had been exempt, and had not accounted for them. After the production of account-books and the evidence of the town-clerk and town-treasurer, the case was adjourned to allow of the attendance of a Government auditor, ## Column 4 # IRELAND. ### MURDEROUS OUTRAGE IN A WORKHOUSE. A daring outrage has been committed at the workhouse at Tubbercurry, County Sligo, by which a gentleman nearly lost his life. Mr James Donohue, who holds agencies over a number of small properties in the neighbourhood, and who is also clerk of the Union, was sitting in his private office at 7 P.M. on Thursday, when he was suddenly startled by seeing the window forced in and the muzzle of a gun pointed at him. He immediately stooped his head, and as he did so a shot was fired, and he felt himself wounded. He immediately gave an alarm, and a doctor and the police were sent for. The police made a diligent search round the workhouse grounds, but no clue was obtained to the would-be assassin. The doctor removed a bullet from the fleshy part of Mr Donohue's arm. The wounded gentleman is doing well. No arrests have been made. ### *UNITED IRELAND*—ANOTHER ARREST. The Dublin police are puzzled as to how this week's publication of *United Ireland* was printed. They have two opinions on the subjects—first, that one side of the paper was printed surreptitiously on Sunday last in the office of the journal, the other side being printed in England. The second idea is that it was printed in one of the jobbing establishments in Dublin. Yesterday morning the police entered the office of the paper and seized 25 copies they found there. During the day they took possession of nearly 500 copies from agents and street vendors. Since the seizure of last week's issue the business of *United Ireland* has been carried on secretly at No. 9 Talbot Street. At half-past four on Thursday evening detectives entered that place and laid hold on a quantity of manuscript, and arrested Mr Wm. Hunt, employed there as clerk. The prisoner was conveyed to Kilmainham Jail. It is understood that the article in this week's *United Ireland* was written by a suspect confined in Kilmainham, but how the manuscript got out is a mystery. The article is very strong, denounces the action of the Government as illegal, and expresses the determination to carry on the paper. ### A LADY LEAGUER SENT TO PRISON. At Castletown, Berehaven, Petty Sessions yesterd[a?]y, before Mr E. B. Warburton, R.M., Miss Hannah M. Reynolds, of the Dublin Ladies' Land League, was summoned for inciting a tenant of the Earl of [B?]antry, named Catherine Murphy, not to pay her rent. The offence was alleged to have occurred on the 18th of December, on the occasion of some evictions in the Castletown district. Miss Reynolds was defended by Mr Whyte, barrister, of London. The first summons Miss Reynolds got charged her with inducing the tenant not to pay her rent; but this was withdrawn, and she was then charged with inciting the woman not to pay her rent. The second was framed, it is believed, in accordance with instructions from the Attorney-General, and at the end of the summons it was stated that Miss Reynolds should give bail for her good behaviour for six months, or in default be imprisoned for the same period. Benjamin White, a bailiff, said he heard the defendant tell a crowd of people at the house of Catherine Murphy not to pay any rent, but he could not say if Mrs Murphy was present. He believed her son was. Constable Rorke said Mrs Murphy was present at her house on the day in question. Sub-Inspector Maxwell deponed that he heard Miss Reynolds say to Mrs Murphy's son that the Land League would build a hut for them at any expense. Patrick Murphy, the son of the tenant, said he did not recollect Mrs Reynolds saying to pay no rent. His mother bought the house about eighteen years ago, and she paid no rent for it since. She only paid rent for the land. Mr WHYTE, for the defence, contended that no case had been proved, and asked his Worship to dismiss the case. It was not proved that Miss Reynolds spoke to the tenant at all, and the decree had not been put in evidence to show that she was evicted at all for non-payment of rent. He also asked the case to be dismissed because fresh informations were not the ground of the second summons, and the first informations died when the original summons was withdrawn. He said the Crown relied on Mr Warburton acting there as judge and jury to convict in the case. Mr WARBURTON said that was a most uncalled for observation. The Government did not expect that he or any other Magistrate would commit perjury. They did not expect him to convict, whether he considered the evidence sufficient or not. Mr WHYTE said it would not be perjury. He asked that Miss Reynolds should be sent for trial before a jury. If any conviction were made he would have it at once set aside in the Court of Queen's Bench. Mr WARBURTON said a threat had been held out about the Court of Queen's Bench, and he had also been charged with coming there to do his duty unfairly. That he denied, and he felt that the case had been proved, and that Mis [sic] Reynold's [sic] should give bail to be of good behaviour for six months, or in default to be imprisoned for one month in County Cork Jail. There was plenty of bail to be had for the asking, but Miss Reynolds would not allow it to be given, and declared her intention of going to jail. She said that her imprisonment would make thousands join the League, and that the whole affair was trumped up to gratify the spleen of a petty magistrate and agent. Mr WARBURTON said he would give Miss Reynolds a week to procure the bail, but she sternly refused to give an undertaking that bail would be tendered for her. Mr WARBURTON said that under those circumstances there was no alternative for him but to make out an order for committal. Miss Reynolds said that imprisonment would do her no harm, and that better people were in jail than she. Miss Reynolds was allowed to remain at her hotel in Castletown last night under a police guard, and to-day (if she does not relent and give the bail) she will be conveyed to Cork Jail. She walked down from the Court-house to her hotel escorted by Head-coustable [sic] Meek. A large crowd followed, and cheered for the lady, the Land League, the suspects, and for Miss Parnell; and groans were given for "Buckshot Forster." The local band intended to turn out to play in Miss Reynolds's honour, but the members were warned if they did so they would be imprisoned for two months. On this account they remained indoors. The town was quiet in the evening. ### THE LADIES' LEAGUE—MISS PARNELL'S CIRCULAR. Miss Anna Parnell has, on behalf of the Ladies' Land League, issued a notice to the secretaries of branches, or those acting for them, in which she says:— "Please send at your earliest convenience the names of the landlords in your district on the accompanying landlord forms, giving as well as you can the rent, the character and the antecedents of each; as regards his relations with his tenantry. Give as well as you can the number of his tenantry and the size of the estate, and give particulars as to the present action of the tenants: Whether they are to apply to the Land Court, or are intending to do so; paying with or without reduction; are refusing to pay or not yet called on to pay: also give all the information you can about their circumstances." This document, which is dated from the League Offices, 29 Upper Sackville Street, is accompanied by a landlord form, which sets out places for the names of landlord and agent and particulars respecting them. There is also a "tenant form," and both are to be signed by the secretary of the branch to whom they are directed. ### MR SHAW'S RETIRAL FROM THE HOME RULE LEAGUE. Mr Shaw, M.P., has written to the secretaries of the Home Rule League in Dublin, explaining his reasons for withdrawing from the League. He says he believes it is the opinion of the immense majority of the Irish people that the Act of last session has settled the land question, and that as soon as there is a cessation of the present unnatural excitement, steps will be taken under the provisions of that Act to extend largely the class of tenant owners. The public mind will for some time be too much occupied by these operations to give attention to any other great political question. He could not belong to an association which may at any time be directed to promote objects—and by methods—to which he is thoroughly opposed. He believes the movement, which, if language means anything, means separation, must end in fearful disaster to the Irish people; but does it follow, he asks, that nothing should be done—that they should rest satisfied with things as they are? Nothing of the kind. He points out that the union as existing has not fulfilled its promise. England and Ireland are unequally yoked together. English Statesmen must solve the problem or they have not settled the Irish question. The union is not good if it is not good for both countries. For centuries England governed Ireland as a dependency, and during the present century by a nominal union, but with no satisfaction or good results because she undertook to do an impossibility. The difficulties surrounding any similar case were multiplied and interspersed here by confiscation penal laws, differences of race and religion, of social and political ideas. On one side a proud, strong, unsympathetic people absorbed in its own grand history and career; on the other side, a people in all natural and social habits the very opposite, warm-hearted, quick, imaginative, with the vice and weakness generated by centuries of oppression and cruelty. No wonder that the attempt has been a miserable failure. England is determined to maintain the connection, but if so she must make it a good and not an evil to Ireland. There is no political system or arrangement absolutely true. They are means; the end is the greatest good of the community. They must be changed and adapted to the growth and wants of the people. If English statesmen are wise they will settle the question now finally, and Mr Shaw believes the best [column continues] ## Column 5 [column continues from Column 4, Mr Shaw's letter] s[o]lution of the question will be found in federalism or in a modification of it adopted to circumstances. Local self-government and development need not clash with but rather may strengthen central authority. He believes that quietly, but surely and quickly, the good sense of the Irish people will assert itself, and that they will see the wisdom and necessity of allowing wrongs that may exist to be righted by law as the only means of bringing peace to the country. ### EMIGRATION OF A LIBERATED SUSPECT. Yesterday, a suspect named Moore arrived in Queenstown in custody of two policemen. He has been liberated on condition that he will emigrate, and the police accompanied him from Limerick to see that his promise was carried out. ### FURTHER ARRESTS. William Walsh and Denis Leary, farmers, Rathmore, County Kerry, were arrested yesterday morning under the Coercion Act on suspicion of firing at the person with intent to murder. They were conveyed to Kilmainham. ### THE DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH AND THE PROPERTY DEFENCE ASSOCIATION. The Duke of Marlborough has sent for publication a copy of correspondence which has passed between his Grace and the Lord Mayor of London with reference to the proposed Mansion House Fund for Defence of Property in Ireland. In asking his Grace's co-operation as Lord-Lieutenant of Oxfordshire, the Lord Mayor called attention to the recent meeting at the Mansion House, and observed that more astute organisers of rebellion against the established Government of the country have arisen than any that have gone before, and that under their directions and counsel the bulk of the population have now assumed a passive resistance to the law and the fulfilment of the most ordinary contracts and obligations. In reply to this communication the Duke of Marlborough informs his Lordship that he has taken steps for forwarding his letter to the Magistrates of the county, and for arranging for the opening of a subscription list. His Grace continues, "But in taking these steps I must be permitted to observe that it is somewhat singular that the Property Defence Association, which has maintained a struggling existence in Ireland for more than twelve months for effecting the very objects which your Lordship so justly considers to be now so important to the safety of society in that country, and through a period in which disaffection was not less rife than it is at present, should only at the eleventh hour have attracted the valuable support of the Mansion House, with the incidental approval of the Prime Minister. And I must be further allowed, in giving effect to your Lordship's wishes, to guard myself from the implication that I place any faith in the expedient of a voluntary agency, however justly it pleads, supplying the forces which are requisite to cope successfully with the state of disaffection and resistance to law, either active or passive, into which the country has been allowed to degenerate." ### THE MISSING BALLOON. Yesterday afternoon a conference of the members of the Balloon Society of Great Britain was held in London, the president (Mr W. H. Lefevre, C.E.,) occupying the chair. Among those present were several gentlemen belonging to the Council, including Mr Read and M. de Touvielle, president de l'Academie d'Aerostation Meteorologique de Paris. After the opening speech by Mr W. H. Le Fevre, in which he expressed the regret which all practical aeronauts, and others interested in balloon experiments, felt in the loss of Mr Powell, M.P., whose death he now feared was a melancholy certainty, he introduced M. De Touvielle, who has just arrived from Paris, and who, on rising, was received with much applause, M. DE FOUVIELLE [sic] said that he had been asked to give his opinion regarding the loss of the Saladin. He certainly thought it was a very unfortunate circumstance that Mr Powell's companions should have been thrown out of the balloon, for this would be certain to send the balloon up with even fearful velocity, that the poor gentleman must have found it impossible to keep his equilibrium, and the consequence was that he must have fallen from an immense distance. It might be that he may have been asphyxiated by the gas escaping. Mr READ—Then you think the affair resolves itself into this:—After the balloon was freed by two of the occupants, Mr Powell found it difficult to keep his equilibrium in the balloon, for if he had been enabled to do this he must have been found by some distant craft? Mr DE TOUVIELLE—Yes; because a balloon floating in the water could be seen at an immense distance. If he had kept inland he would have also been seen. I fear that the opinion received at Lloyd's that the whole apparatus, with its occupant, has gone to the bottom of the sea has some foundation. After some further discussion, it was proposed that an obelisk should be erected on the spot at Bridport where the accident took place. The proposition was taken up warmly by several gentlemen, and it was ultimately decided to bring the matter forward for discussion at the meeting this evening. A vote of thanks to the president and to M. de Fouveille [sic] was passed at the close. A brush and comb have been picked up near Weymouth and sent to Capt. Templer for identification. The extended search will commence to-day with eight boats in line, covering a length of 170 fathoms. They will start from the spot where the balloon was first seen to touch the water, and proceed to sea, following the course the balloon is supposed to have taken. Very confident hopes are entertained of some result from this search. ### THE WIGAN EXPLOSION. No further bodies were [re?]covered from the Abram Colliery yesterday although every effort was made in that direction. The work of clearing the pit is progressing rapidly. One more body was identified yesterday as being that of David Aldred. This leaves two unidentified, one at the colliery and one at the Infirmary. Nine bodies still remain in the pit. Mr Cronshaw, underlooker, who was virtually in charge when the pit exploded, was buried yesterday. Hundreds of persons were present at the funeral, including the President of the Mining School, of which deceased was gold medalist, the Mayor of Wigan, and the principal inhabitants of the district. Mr Ellis Lever, of Culebeth Hall, Bowdon, has sent the following telegram to Mr George L. Campbell, secretary to the Lancashire and Cheshire Miners' Permanent Relief Society:— "The dense fog has again prevented my leaving town, but I send £20 by post to be distributed amongst the bereaved families at Abram, in addition to society's allowance. You say £10,000 will be required to meet the claims at Abram. I believe the public would subscribe this on Christmas Day if in their family gatherings a thought were given to the distressed sufferers and widows who on that day will bury their bread-winners. I think the safety-lamps, so called, ought to be put away and the electric-light adopted. I should be glad to offer through the Central Association for dealing with the distress caused by mining accidents a premium of £500 for a perfect system of lighting by electricity. You can refer to this offer if you choose, in your own way, of course. It may stimulate our electricians to attempt such an accomplishment." Mr CAMPBELL'S reply was as follows:— "Many thanks for your telegram. It is, of course, open to anyone to assist the society, on which the burden will fall very heavily; but I don't think we ought to make any appeal, the great object of our system being to make the funds self-supporting." ### THE BRIBERY SENTENCES. Yesterday morning the memorials for the remission of the bribery sentences were presented at the Home Office. The number of signatures was 43,841, made up as follows:—Members of the House of Lords, 32; members of the House of Commons, 75; bankers, 313; clergymen, 1113; justices of the peace, 1015; mayors and ex-mayors, 162; members of public bodies, 20[9?]5; professors, 4623; solicitors (including those contained in the separate petition), 3597; and traders and others 30,816. The following are some of the signatures:—Duke of Beaufort, Duke of Portland, Duke of Sutherland, Duke of Westminster, Earl Poulett, Lord Ellenborough, Lord Stanley of Adderley, Earl of Rosslyn, Lord Claude J. Hamilton, M.P.; Alderman M'Arthur, M.P.; Sir J. Holker, M.P.; Sir H. Drummond Wolff, M.P. The total number of towns from which the various memorials that have been presented is 750. DEATH OF MR GRENVILLE MURRAY.—Mr Grenville Murray, the author of "The Member for Paris" and other works, and well known as a frequent contributor to the newspaper and periodical press, died at Paris on the 20th inst. His funeral will take place at Passy to-day. GROWTH OF TRAMWAYS IN THE UNITED KINGDOM.—A return was published yesterday relating to the street and road tramways down to June 30 this year, which shows the remarkable growth of tramways in public favour since 1876, when they were first introduced into this country. The capital authorised to be raised by shares in 1876 was £3,141,000. It is now £7,602,509, and of this amount £5,696,0[3?]0 has been paid up, and to this, adding the sum raised by loans and debentures, makes the total £6,939,8[3?]8. There are 488 miles open for public traffic. The stock of the companies comprises 15,220 horses, 40 locomotive engines, and 2045 cars. There were 205,623,510 passengers carried down to 30th June this year. The gross receipts were £1,576,301, and the net receipts, after paying working expenses, £336,405. THE SHEFFIELD POISONING CASE.—Yesterday, before the Stipendiary Magistrate, Felecia Dorothea Kate Dover was charged on remand with the wilful murder of Thomas Skinner, artist, by administering arsenic to him in his dinner on 6th inst. The dinner consisted of fowl stuffed with onions and thyme. The evidence yesterday was similar to that adduced at the inquest. Only two new witnesses were called. One of these, Dr Holmes, for the defence, testified that when he was called to the prisoner at her father's house, on the morning of the 7th inst., he found her suffering from an irritant poison. The prisoner, on being formally charged with the murder, replied in a husky tone, betraying more emotion than she had done at any time during the day, "I am not guilty." She was then committed to take her trial at the Leeds Assizes in January next. ## Column 6 # MR WM. HOLMS, M.P., AT PAISLEY. Mr Wm. Holms, M.P. for Paisley, delivered his annual address to the electors in the Drill Hall, Paisley, last night, when there was a large gathering, presided over by Provost Mackean, who was supported on the platform by Bailies Dobie, M'Kenzie, Spiers, and Johnston; Drs Richmond, Hutcheson, Taylor; and Messrs P. C. Macgregor, John Polson, William Polson, Andrew Millar, John Miller (president of the local Liberal Club), Thos. Walker, A. C. Holms of Sandyford, D. S. Semple, &c. Mr HOLMS, who was cordially received, began by referring to the Irish question, noticing the circumstances which led up to the Land Act, and pointing out the nature of the readjustments which that measure was fitted and intended to bring about. The hon. gentleman went on to say—Having dealt with the land laws of Ireland, the farmers of Scotland and England are now asking that Parliament shall deal with the land laws of those countries. A succession of bad harvests and foreign competition have for several years made the business of farming unprofitable. We, who live in towns, are almost as much interested in the thorough and profitable cultivation of the soil as either landlords or farmers. It has been estimated that during the last four years the country has lost by the failure of crops nearly £200,000,000. That enormous sum, instead of going into the pockets of the farmers, has been paid to foreigners, and is one of the causes of that depression in trade from which the country has suffered. The first cause of agricultural depression may be remedied by the return of more genial seasons, but foreign competition is not likely to decrease—on, the contrary, the continually increasing development of the food supply trade with other countries, and the increased rapidity and success with which dead and live stock may be brought from the most distant parts of the world, indicate that in future the price of food will be regulated to a large extent by our foreign supplies. I do not think that, in order to meet this changed state of matters, any such Land Bill as we have passed for Ireland is necessary, nor is it asked for by the farmers of Scotland, who, I think, upon the whole, have taken a calm and fair view of the position. In cases of long leases which have yet a considerable period to run, landlords will, I believe, find it to be their interest to revalue their farms and readjust their rents. If this is not done, the farmer who is now paying too high a rent for his farm will find himself losing money, and will impoverish the land by taking all he can out of it, and doing as little as he can for it. I do not think this is a matter with which the State ought to interfere; it will soon adjust itself. Leases will run out, and landlords will find—as indeed they have already found—that they can only get them renewed by making, where necessary, a reduction in the rent. The temporary expedient of giving a deduction of 10, 15, or 20 per cent. is not satisfactory, for it is uncertain. I am glad to say that already some landlords, among them Lord Aberdeen, Lord Dalhousie, and Lord Fife, fully appreciating the altered position of the farmers, have agreed to re-value their farms, and to give compensation at the end of their leases for unexhausted improvements; but all landlords are not so generous or so wise, and I am therefore in favour of an Act being passed to give to all farmers fair compensation for unexhausted improvements, so that they may have every inducement to make the most they can out of the land, a result which in the long run will not only be for their own benefit and that of the landlord, but also for the good of the whole community. I need scarcely say that I am in favour of doing away with the laws of entail and primogeniture. They are unnatural laws, and tend to bring vast possessions into the hands of a few men, which if divided amongst many would lead to its better cultivation. The land monopoly in this country, with its limited acreage, is a great injustice, and may become a grave source of danger. 2114 individuals hold more than a third of the whole area of Great Britain and Ireland. The Duke of Sutherland alone possesses 1,208,000 acres. It is difficult to realise the vastness of such possessions. If you travel from Paisley to London, a distance of 400 miles, and suppose that two miles on each side of the railway belong to the Duke of Sutherland, and add to all that the whole of Renfrewshire, it will be considerably within the extent of the estates which he possesses. We want free trade in land, and with that we also want the cheap and easy transfer of land; there should be no difficulty about it. When I visited Canada a few years ago I made some inquiry as to the system there. Nothing could be more simple, every property is clearly defined and entered in the district register by paying a small fee, I think one shilling. Full information can be obtained about any property, and when land is sold the transfer is recorded in the register, which is duly signed by buyer and seller before witnesses, and a certificate of the purchase is given to the buyer, a small fee—if I recollect rightly it is two shillings and sixpence—being charged. That system has been in operation since the end of last century, and works admirably. Why should we not have a system as simple in this country, so that a piece of land, the boundaries of which can always be defined, may be sold as easily and as cheaply as shares in a ship or in a railway company. I shall heartily support any legislation in this direction. The long-continued stagnation in trade from which this country has suffered, but from which it appears to be now emerging, led some people to think that after all Free Trade had proved a failure, and under the specious name of Fair Trade they have sought to revive Protection. Old fallacies regarding the balance of trade have been brought forward, and we have been gravely assured that because last year our imports were £411,000,000, while our exports were £286,000,000, we must have paid the difference, namely, £125,000,000 in gold, and therefore be getting poorer. The fallacy of this reasoning has been ably exposed over and over again. As, however, there may be some present who have not looked into the question, let me put briefly before you what is really our position. In the first place, we may dismiss from our minds the idea that we pay for the excess of imports over exports in gold, for during the last ten years we imported £312,000,000 in bullion and exported £287,000,000, so that we actually increased our stock of gold and silver by £25,000,000. It is true that according to the Government returns our imports exceeded our exports by £125,000,000, but in reality our exports were considerably more than stated. We do a large trade in shipbuilding, and ships form a large item of our exports, and yet, through some unaccountable oversight, they are not entered in the Government returns. It has been estimated that the value of ships exported is upwards of £50,000,000 a year. But we are not only to a large extent the shipbuilders of the world, we have also the carrying trade mainly in our own hands. No reliable estimate has been formed of the freights earned by British shipping engaged in foreign trade, but as last year nearly 36,000,000 tons of British vessels entered and cleared at ports in the United Kingdom from and to foreign countries and British possessions, it does not seem improbable that the freights amounted to at least other £50,000,000, all which is paid not in gold but in produce from abroad. But that is not all, British capital is largely invested abroad in railways, mines, banks, loans, and other undertakings, the revenue from which, amounting to an enormous sum, must be sent home, and, as a rule, is also sent home in produce. Taking all this into consideration, the difference of £125,000,000 between our exports and imports is more than accounted for. It may, I think, be laid down as an invariable rule, that a country which is not a borrower from other countries must have imports in excess of its exports or it is doing a losing trade. I believe that among those whom I now address, and throughout the country, there is an almost unanimous conviction that the principles of Free Trade are thoroughly sound, and that a return to Protection would have a disastrous effect on our commerce. Something like 90 per cent. of all our imports consist of raw material or food. The country will not for a moment allow a tax to be placed upon either. To do so would be to raise the price of both. It has been urged by some Fair-Traders that we should admit the wheat of our own colonies duty-free, and put a duty upon wheat from foreign countries, so as to compel them to make favourable commercial treaties with us. But our colonies are as Protectionist as foreign countries, and I fail to see why we should raise the price of food here for their special benefit. While this country does not want Protection, it wants markets, and it especially wants to retain, if possible, those markets which it at present possesses; and it is because of this feeling that we have watched with so much interest the progress of negotiations with France for a new commercial treaty. You, in common with every manufacturing town, are deeply interested in these negotiations. I shall therefore take this opportunity of stating to you the views which I hold with reference to our commercial relations with France, and the course which I think we should take with that country should the negotiations which have recently been suspended be again renewed. In 1846, when the Corn Laws were abolished and duties taken off a large number of important articles of commerce, it was confidently anticipated that other countries would follow our example, but after 14 years' experience, we were disappointed to find that Free-Trade principles had made little or no progress. With France, our nearest neighbour, our trade was comparatively insignificant. As she would not follow our example, we proposed to make a commercial treaty with her, and after much negotiation that of 1860 was concluded. I need scarcely point out that in thus making a bargain with France we put aside the principles of Free Trade. It was a retrograde step. The main argument urged in favour of entering upon such a treaty was, that by this means we would show France the great advantage of extended commercial relations with this country, and lead her ultimately to adopt a Free-Trade policy. I ask you to note that in 1860 we had still import duties upon such articles of luxury as silks, ribbons, and kid gloves, Mr Cobden bargained with France that we should abolish those duties and reduce the duty upon wines in consideration of those advantages. France agreed to remove the prohibition which they had on certain articles, and in no case to charge more than 30 per cent. duty. That was a bargain—I wish you to note that it was neither more nor less than a question of bargaining. The preamble of the treaty set forth that it was concluded "with the desire to draw closer the ties of friendship which unite the two people." That object has been realised. Commercial relations have created in each other a feeling of interest, [column continues] ## Column 7 which is one of the best guarantees for the preservation of peace between two of the most civilised and most powerful nations in the world. Nor have the French or ourselves had any reason to be dissatisfied with the commercial results of the treaty during its existence, that is during the last 21 years, the trade between the two countries has increased upwards of 200 per cent. While the result of the treaty has, politically and commercially been, so far, satisfactory, it has failed in fulfilling the expectation that it would induce France, and, through France, other countries to adopt the principles of Free Trade. More than a third of a century has passed away since we set the example in 1846, 21 years have gone since we endeavoured to lead France into Free Trade paths, and after all we have to confess that we have been disappointed. So far as regards food and raw materials for our manufactures France is Free Trade in her policy, but in manufactured productions of all kinds she is more Protectionist now than she was in 1860, and apparently less disposed to make any concessions, while by her sugar bounties and more recently by the subsidies granted to her mercantile marine she seems determined to follow a course which we cannot but regard with regret and some feeling of dissatisfaction. I have spoken of the increased trade between France and this country; let me briefly point out to what extent the two countries have respectively shared in that increase. During the five years preceding the Commercial Treaty of 1860, we exported to France of British and Irish produce on an average £5,1[6?]0,000 per annum. During the last five years the average reached £14,6[8?]0,000, or an increase of 166[½?] per cent. On the other hand, in the five years preceding 1860 France exported to this country £14,0[3?]0,000 per annum, while during the last five years the average was £41,8[8?]0,000, or an increase of 217 per cent. France cannot therefore complain that she has had the worst of the bargain, and yet in the face of all this she has asked us to negotiate a new commercial treaty, not upon the basis of some modification of the Treaty of 1860, or even on the basis of that treaty itself, but on the basis of the new general tariff, with what is termed a marjoration or deduction of 24 per cent., and that, instead of "*ad valorem*," we shall now have "specific" duties. The French Government protests that their object is not to increase the existing tariff but "the simplification of the mode of levying the duties, and that the specific duties are meant to be simply an equivalent for the now existing *ad valorem* duties." The Chambers of Commerce throughout the country have received this statement with incredulity and suspicion; they object to specific duties, as it is so complicated a system as to be almost impracticable; moreover, specific duties—that is, duties levied by weight or measure—invariably fall lightly on high-priced goods, and press heavily on coarse, heavy, low-priced goods. Now, as the great bulk of our export trade consists of medium and low-priced manufactures, specific duties will, as a rule, be much higher than *ad valorem* duties. This is not a matter of mere assertion on my part; men of experience have been looking carefully into how we shall be affected if a new commercial treaty is concluded on the basis proposed by France; the results are startling, and make us doubt her good faith. The president of the Bradford Chamber of Commerce says that under the proposed treaty the bulk of Bradford goods entering France would have to pay an advance of 25 per cent. upon the present duty. This, he adds, would be simply prohibitory. Eighty-three of the leading manufacturers in the textile trade in Glasgow some time ago memorialised the Government urging "the necessity of carefully avoiding to enter into negotiations with the French Government upon a basis so complicated, so uncertain, and so hazardous as this new French tariff." At a meeting held a few months ago in Manchester it was stated that the duty on single and two-fold cotton yarns, which at present is about 20 per cent. of their value, will be increased to 44 per cent. Of late years a considerable trade has sprung up between this town and France in the article of starch. Now, as this particular article is at present charged a specific duty, it will give you an opportunity of judging how far the assertion of the French Government is true that the new general tariff, with the deduction of 24 per cent., is an equivalent for the duties levied under the existing treaty. At present the duty is 1½ francs per 100 kilos, or 12s 6d per ton. The proposed duty is about 40s per ton, or an increase of 220 per cent., which would be absolutely prohibitory. In another important branch of trade—namely, the manufacture of carpets, a well-known firm has written me that the duty upon their goods will be increased 95 per cent. on the highest class, and 20[0?] per cent. on the lowest class of goods that they manufacture, and add, "Of course this will be quite prohibitory." Now, I have to ask you to consider whether the course taken by the French Government is fair towards this country? Last year M. Leon Say, then French Ambassador, proposed to Lord Granville, as a basis for negotiations, the "amelioration du statu quo dans le sens du développement des relations commerciales." This proposal gave general satisfaction, and it was with a feeling of suspicion that we found the recently proposed basis of negotiations so entirely different from the spirit and the terms formerly proposed. That we have reason to be dissatisfied even the French themselves acknowledge. M. Paul Beaulieu, the editor of the *Economist*, has denounced the proposed treaty in the following language:—"I charge it with three great blemishes—First, the excessive multiplicity of the articles taxed; secondly, the extravagance of its classifications, which threaten to make of it an inextricable entanglement; thirdly, the unjustifiable increase of many duties." It cannot be urged by France that an increase of duties is necessary for fiscal purposes, for such has been the prosperity of France that last year the surplus of revenue over expenditure was so large—£6,000,000—as to enable her to reduce the import duties upon wine by £2,800,000, and the duties upon sugar by a like amount. I think that the facts which I have put before you justified the House of Commons in passing the resolution "that no commercial treaty with France will be satisfactory which is not on better conditions than those of the existing treaty." Since then a Commission has been appointed to meet the representatives of the French Government. Negotiations have been carried on till the 5th ult., when they were suspended, and, if resumed, it appears to be very doubtful whether they will be successful. Now is the time for the country to speak out, and I think that it cannot be too emphatically declared that unless we can have a reduction in the tariff in some proportion to the undoubted advantage which French industries have enjoyed since the present treaty was entered upon we shall have no treaty at all. For political reasons France is anxious not to lose our friendship, and she cannot without an open rupture refuse to let us come under the most favoured nation clause, in which case our goods would be admitted on as favourable terms as those of any other country, and we would have the great advantage of being perfectly free to do as we like in making our own fiscal arrangements—a freedom which we to some extent give up when we make a commercial treaty, but which, if wisely exercised, will, I venture to predict, increase our foreign trade and tend more to the promotion of Free Trade principles than the course we have hitherto been pursuing. Let us bear in mind that, whatever we may call ourselves, we are not yet thorough Free Traders. Our customs produce a larger amount annually than those of any country in the world, the United States of America excepted. Last year they amounted to nearly £20,000,000, and formed nearly one-fourth of our national income of £83,000,000; while the customs duties of France amounted to only £12,200,000, or less than a ninth of her national income of £110,000,000. If we are to be really Free Traders, let us do away with our custom-houses. Let us trammel ourselves with no commercial treaties, and let other countries do as they like. That is a clear and understandable policy. But if we are to remain what I may term "restricted Free Traders," if for fiscal or other reasons we are still to have our custom-houses and derive from those customs a large portion of our national revenue, and if we are still to make commercial treaties, let us use those customs duties as a lever in making such treaties or bargains with other countries. In close connection with this question, I have to ask you to consider if our own tariff is consistent with the avowed doctrines of Free Trade. Last year we imported of silk manufactures £13,300,000, and of wine £6,500,000, amounting together to nearly £20,000,000. Those are articles of luxury, in which the poor have not the slightest interest, and yet silks are admitted duty free, and wine at an almost nominal duty, while tea and coffee, which are almost necessaries of life, and are used by the poorest of the poor, are heavily taxed. A duty of 6d per lb. is paid upon tea, and it operates in this way:—Inferior tea can be bought in bond as low as 6d per lb. The duty upon such tea, which is consumed by the poor, is therefore 100 per cent. Fine tea, which is consumed by the rich, is sold as high as 4s per lb. The duty of 6d per lb. is consequently only 12½ per cent. I have to ask whether the principles of Free Trade require us to admit duty free, or at a nominal duty, costly luxuries such as silks and wine, which are consumed by the rich, while we heavily tax tea and coffee, which supply wholesome beverages of universal consumption? Have we the same interest in cheapening silks and wine that we have in cheapening tea and coffee? If am [sic] right in believing that we have not, then we may fairly consider whether by an alteration in the incidence of our customs duties we may induce other countries—France among the number—to lower their tariffs and thus increase our foreign trade. I venture to suggest one way by which this may be done. A duty of 15 per cent. on the £13,300,000 of silk manufactures imported last year, would produce nearly £2,000,000. In the same year we imported 7,000,000 gallons of wine from France, the greater portion of which came in under the shilling duty; if it is raised to 2s 6d, the difference would be about £400,000, but making allowance for a considerable diminution in the quantities of silk and wine imported owing to those duties, the actual revenue from silks and wine might only amount to £2,000,000. On the other hand, if, as an equivalent, we take off say 3d per lb. in the duty on tea, and 7s per cwt. in the duty on coffee—that is, reducing the present duties by one-half—we would have an apparent diminution of revenue from those articles of £2,000,000, the total revenue from tea and coffee having been rather over £4,000,000; but as all our former experience shows that a decrease of duty leads to an increased demand, the loss of revenue would probably be much less. By such a readjustment of our Customs duties not a single penny need be added to the total revenue derived from them, for, while undoubtedly rich people would have to pay more for silks and French wines, all classes would pay less for tea and coffee. I wish to guard against its being supposed that I desire by this change to give protection to the silk manufactures of this country. It may be necessary to impose upon them, so far as regards silks sold for home consumption, a duty equivalent to [column continues] ## Column 8 that on foreign silk goods. And now let me point out how such a change would affect our foreign trade. We have felt the extreme inconvenience of being tied up by the French Commercial Treaty of 1860. The Portuguese affirmed that the reduction from 5s 6d per gallon upon all wines to 1s per gallon on wines with less than 26 degrees of proof spirit was equivalent to imposing a differential duty upon their wines. A disagreeable correspondence ensued, but as we were bound by the French Treaty of 1860 it was found impossible to satisfy them. The result was that Portugal refused to make a commercial treaty with us, and in 1866 made one with France, by which French goods were admitted on much more favourable terms than British goods, and it was not till 1876 that we were admitted to the most favoured nation clause. From the same cause we are placed at a great disadvantage in trading with Spain compared with other countries, and although we are her best customer she persistently refuses to admit us to the benefit of the most favoured nation clause, and to a large extent excludes us from her markets. There is now a bill before the Spanish Chambers, which, if passed, will greatly reduce her tariff on many articles, but as it is only to apply to nations which have commercial treaties with her we will be excluded. By making the duty on wine 2s 6d we would remove all cause of irritation on the part of Spain and Portugal, and would in all probability succeed in concluding advantageous commercial treaties with both these countries. But that is not all. By a reduction on the duties on tea and coffee, an immense stimulus would be given to our trade in the East. At present the manufacturers of Lancashire are pressing their claims to have cotton goods admitted into India duty free. On the other hand, India is rapidly developing her resources as a tea-producing country. Last year she exported 35,000,000lb. Nothing would tend more to the increase of that industry than a reduction on the tea duty; while the Government of India—that is ourselves—might fairly as a *quid pro quo* admit the cotton manufactures of Lancashire duty free. Both countries would thus be mutually benefited. But even that is not all. The reduction on the duty on tea would tend to increase our trade with China, a country which presents a vast field for commercial enterprise. Every reduction in the duty on tea has increased our trade with that country. During the last 20 years our exports have increased 194 per cent. We boast that for more than a generation of men we have set an example to the world of the benefits of a Free Trade policy, and we are so afraid of weakening the force of that example that we shrink from even making an alteration in the incidence of our Customs duties. That is a groundless fear. Our example has had little influence on other countries. It is true that after our commercial treaty with France in 1860 other countries to some extent relaxed their tariffs, but it is equally true that of late years almost every country in Europe except Holland has been increasing its import duties, while in the United States of America the tariff is so high as in many branches of manufacture to be all but prohibitory. Can we be surprised that our example has had so little effect in inducing other countries to adopt Free Trade principles? The truth is they do not give us credit for being thorough. They point to the fact that all our colonies, from New South Wales with the lightest to Canada with the highest tariff, are not only protectionist, but more thoroughly so than they were in 1860. Moreover, they can point to India and say that in that great dependency, and also in Ceylon and the Mauritius—all of which are governed as directly from London as England or Scotland—we have a system of import duties so complete and far-reaching that even salt, the veriest necessary of life, is not exempted. I may add that, curiously enough, there is no duty on carriages, horses, and pictures entering India. There is no philanthropy in the matter, and other nations give us credit for none. We find that so far as regards the United Kingdom free trade suits us. Let us, therefore, without reference to what other countries may think or do, inflexibly adhere to it, and if we find that by altering the incidence of our Customs duties we can make better bargains with other countries, let us by all means with equal boldness make these alterations. Such a policy would, in my opinion, be more dignified, more in the interest of this country, and more likely to lead to the adoption of Free Trade principles by other countries, than a policy which exhausts itself in appeals such as we have been making to the generosity of France, and which actually, by an exhibition of our powerlessness, encourages other countries to raise their tariffs against us. Having referred to various points in the foreign policy of the Government, Mr Holms went on to say:—And now, passing on to speak of Scotch affairs, I think we may congratulate ourselves on the appointment of Lord Rosebery as Under Secretary, with a special view to Scottish business. I need scarcely say that he is one of the ablest and most popular noblemen in Scotland, and I have no doubt that under his care we shall not in future have to complain of the continued neglect of legislation for Scotland. The most important Scottish measure which will probably be submitted to Parliament by the Government is the Educational Endowments Bill. There is, I believe, an almost unanimous opinion that such a measure is much wanted; but there is also, I think, a pretty general opinion, in which I fully share, that the bill as introduced last session is so unsatisfactory that it must be remodelled. It has, I presume, been drawn up by the English Education Department without an adequate knowledge of the wants and wishes of the people of Scotland. In Lord Rosebery's hands these wants will, I doubt not, have due weight and consideration. The bill as it stands is bad in so far as it proposes to hand over endowments which have been left chiefly by merchants and men in business to be re-organised by seven Commissioners, none of whom, so far as has yet been decided, are to be merchants or men engaged in business. As the bill originally stood in 187[9?] it was proposed to have five Commissioners, two of whom were peers, two lawyers, and one a professor. Personally all of them are unexceptional, but why should the class of men who founded these endowments be entirely ignored? In deference to a strongly expressed opinion the number of Commissioners has been increased to seven, and I believe it is understood that two business men will be appointed. I for one shall not be satisfied unless the Commission is remodelled and a majority appointed of the class who left the endowments in question, and of whose ability to manage them I do not suppose there can be any question. Again, the Commissioners, in re-organising these endowments, may decide that the governing body shall consist to an "adequate extent of persons" deriving their qualifications as at present; or in other words, the present governing bodies may be practically set aside by the Commissioners. I think that unless it can be proved that the present system of electing managers for any endowment is corrupt or inefficient, a majority of the managers should be appointed by those bodies who now appoint them, or by the ratepayers in the same manner as members of the School Board are appointed. Moreover, it appears to me very objectionable that it should be put as a subsidiary instead of the most important provision of the bill that the children of the poor—for whom such endowments have been left—are to be provided for, and that it should be put in the forefront of the bill that "special regard" be had "to making provision for secondary or higher education in Scotland," leaving it thus perfectly open to use those endowments for the benefit of the rich, instead of keeping them exclusively for the class for which they were designed. It is a bill calculated to encourage a state of things we deplore, in the perversion of so many existing endowments, which have been shamefully used for a class altogether different from that originally intended. I trust that the bill of last year will be relegated to the limbo of forgotten things, and that a new bill, drawn on lines more in accordance with the wants of the country and more in harmony with the objects for which these endowments have been bequeathed to the nation, will be prepared, and if so, I shall give it my hearty support. Whatever other measures may be brought forward, I think that the Liberal party—and, so far as Scotland is concerned, I might almost say the national party—may rest assured that, so long as the Government is presided over by the veteran statesman who now holds the highest office under the Crown, the honour of the country will be maintained abroad, while at home we shall have such legislation as will conduce to the prosperity of the country and the well-being of the people. The CHAIRMAN read a list of questions to Mr Holms, but as they had been answered in the course of his speech they were not put. The questions were accordingly held as already answered. Mr COCHRAN, amid continued interruption, successfully asked—Should a motion be made in the ensuing session of Parliament to prevent Mr Bradlaugh from taking the oath in accordance with the rules of the House, will Mr Holms vote for it? ("No," "Yes," hear, hear, and applause.) Mr HOLMS—In the event of a motion being made to prevent Mr Bradlaugh from taking the oath, I shall certainly give it my hearty support. ("Hurrah," booing, hisses, and applause.) I think that I am always have [sic] been in favour of allowing any man who chases [sic] to affirm in entering the House of the Commons. I can see no reason why a Jew or a Christian should not be allowed to affirm, but I shall neither be a party to straining the existing law or to making a new law to admit an avowed atheist. (Hear, hear, and applause.) Mr CHARLES O'NEIL—I wish to ask, in reference to statements brought forward by Mr Holms, if he can prove what he said, that Charles Stuart Parnell asserted that the Irish people wanted the land of Ireland without any rent? I challenge him to produce any speech in which he ever delivered such a sentiment. (Hear, hear.) Mr HOLMS—I have pleasure in answering that question. I never stated that the people of Ireland asked that. I said that Mr Parnell, and those who were associated with him, preached the enticing doctrine of "No rent." (Applause.) Mr O'NEIL—Charles Stuart Parnell on any platform never enunciated any such doctrine. An ELECTOR—He did. (Applause.) Mr O'NEIL—He did not. (Laughter.) An ELECTOR—He did! (Applause.) The CHAIRMAN—I don't understand this gentleman's second question. What is it? (Laughter.) Mr O'NEIL—It is this. I wish Mr Holms's reasons for supporting the Coercion Bill, when he promised the last time he addressed these electors he would oppose it? (Laughter, and "Hear, hear.") Mr HOLMS—The speaker has put two questions. He asks how I can say Mr Parnell preached the doctrine of "No rent." Well, the words which he used have become familiar to everyone. These were, "Hold the rent!" (Applause.) And recently he issued a manifesto from Kilmainham Jail—(laughter)—which, I think, we all know about, and in which he incorporated that doctrine. (Hear, hear.) As regards the second question, you will not find anything in my speech of last year in this hall which will bear out anything the questioner has stated. (Hear, hear, and applause.) Mr JOHN POLSON asked what position Mr Holms [column continues]